You wanna know who is responsible for the entire illegal immigration crisis?

Read carefully and remember that Obama's mother was also with the Ford Foundation..



Given the obvious link established between the population count of Hispanics and their political power, the actions taken by many of Ford's grantees on immigration reform were not unexpected. "It was clear that political power and government support was the preferred agenda for Ford's disciples," writes William Hawkins in "Importing Revolution." Originally dedicated to three principle areas on concern-- education, employment, and voting--the MALDEF Board adopted immigration as a fourth major program area in April 1977. As Vilma Martinez said, "Our definition of Mexican-American had expanded to encompass not only the citizen, but also the permanent resident alien, and the undocumented alien." In effect, MALDEF and NCLR, according to Chavez, sought to "erase the distinction between aliens and citizens, legal and illegal, and to pretend the border doesn't exist."

MALDEF had actually begun its efforts on behalf of illegal aliens two years earlier, in 1975, as part of a joint suit with the American Civil Liberties Union, charging the Immigration and Naturalization Service with "indiscriminate and unconstitutional arrests and deportations of persons of Latin or La Raza appearance." MALDEF justified its actions on the belief that Hispanics appear the same whether in the U.S. legally or illegally. Therefore any efforts aimed at illegals would affect all Hispanics.

Heading up the litigation team on this case was Ramona Ripston, head of the Southern California ACLU and a member of the National Lawyers Guild. This extreme left-wing group resolved in 1978 to "support the movement for full democratic rights for all non-citizens and an end to all deportations and manipulations of the borders carried out in the interests of capitalism." The Lawyer's Guild in 1972 had established a National Immigration Project to "protect, defend, and extend the rights of documented and undocumented immigrants in the United States." From this the NLG would play a significant role in the Sanctuary movement of the late `70s and `80s aimed at undermining U.S. foreign policy in Central America by aiding and even smuggling illegal aliens into the country.

Beginning in 1985, the Lawyer's Guild began to receive the first of its $416,000 in Ford Foundation grants for "refugee and migrant rights." Members of the organization would play a prominent role in MALDEF's first litigation specifically on behalf of illegal aliens, Plyler v. Doe (1982). Argued by the Guild's Peter Schey before the U.S. Supreme Court, the case resulted in a 5-4 decision that states could not deny illegal immigrant children access in public education. (It would be this decision that would lead opponents of Proposition 187 to contend that it was unconstitutional.) Continuing its efforts to expand education rights for illegal aliens, MALDEF won the right in Leticia A. v. Board of Regents (1985) for illegal alien children to establish California residency so they might pay the lower in-state tuition in the state's university system. According to their 1993 annual report, MALDEF is currently working to "retain [these] hard-won educational opportunities for Latino students."

MALDEF's efforts on behalf of illegal aliens were not limited to education. In other litigation, they prevented Los Angeles County from forcing illegals to apply for Medi-Cal to receive non-emergency health services, because, for this to happen, they would have to be referred to the INS. As Peter Tijerina, MALDEF's founder, told Vista magazine,"Hell, the remedies weren't in the streets, they were in the courts." And the money to pay for it all was in the Ford Foundation's bank account. According to funding requests, MALDEF sought $600,000 from Ford in 1985 and 1986 for support of their Immigrants' Civil Rights Program and Political Access Program. For these two years, MALDEF requested $2.8 million; they received 92 percent of that amount. According to Ira Mehlman, media director of the Federation for American Immigration Reform,"The root of all of this is the Ford Foundation..."

To compliment efforts by MALDEF and the ACLU, the Ford Foundation launched a new program in 1982 on behalf of refugees and immigrants aimed at strengthening public and private agencies that assist them, clarifying their rights and responsibilities under domestic and international law. Between 1982-88, Ford would commit more than $25 million to these efforts. Following passage of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act, MALDEF, La Raza, and other Hispanic groups split a $200,000 Ford grant to promote amnesty applications among illegals.

"I think Franklin Thomas [president of the Ford Foundation from 1979] was interested in the expansion of rights: immigrant rights, women's rights..." says William Diaz, former Ford programming officer in charge of Hispanic groups. "His concern for Hispanics was also a major part of his administration." By the early 1990's this concern had resulted in federal recognition of Hispanics as a distinct ethnic minority deserving of affirmative-action, government set-asides, multilingual ballots, and bilingual education. The broader and socially more divisive achievement, however, was to call into question the immigrant's traditional attitude about its' relationship to America. As Linda Chavez notes in Out of the Barrio, "Until quite recently, there was no question but that each group desired admittance to the mainstream. No more. Now ethnic leaders demand that their groups remain separate, that their native culture and language be preserved intact, and that whatever accommodation takes place be on the part of the receiving society."



[link to www.americanpatrol.com]